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Weddings ( riép kaa , kaa, or apiépipié) are
the most joyous, delightful, and (along with funerals ) the most extravagant and
elaborate of all life cycle ceremonies. Until about 20 year ago. the festivities
lasted for three days; at present the actual ceremonies the actual ceremonies
have been cut to one and a half days to reduce both expenses and fatigue. But
various preparation begin long beforehand, and the expenditures.
The date of the marriage is set by an achaa.
Weddings may take place only during certain month. (These months are Boh,
Palkun, Asat, and Kadúk witch coincide rough with
January, March, May the first part of July, and November ) and the exact
day is determined by the horoscopes of the bridal couple that will dictate
propitious or dangerous dates for marriage. For weeks prior to this time excitement
mounts among the two families; their kinsmen, and friends and the villages in
general look forward to a bright moment of gaiety and entertainment to enliven
their days. Because the wedding is held at the girl's house, her family is
busiest with arrangements: renting a loudspeaker and phonograph records because
no wedding is complete without continues music. hiring, in addition, live musicians
to play traditional melodies for ceremonies and dancing; borrowing or renting
cooking implements, dishes tables and chairs (and sometimes hiring a
special cook) for the several meals there will be offered to guests; buying
decorations for the house of firings for the monks and traditional gifts for the
groom's family; selecting an achaa and various wedding attendants
making scores of ansom cakes that are a
traditional delicacy at weddings sending messengers to notify kinsmen in distant
communities of the wedding date and the bride must get a new permanent and
either buy elegant wedding clothes or rent a wedding costume from an old lady in
a nearby village
Although news of a
prospective wedding spreads rapidly throughout and beyond the village by
word-of-mouth, formal invitations to the ceremony are extended in the form of
areca nuts and betel leaves (or banana leaves ) that are distributed to invited guests
a few days prior to the nuptials by a family member kinsmen or friend Whether or
not such an invited guest (and his family ) who is not a close relative or
friend of the bridal couple, will actually attend the ceremony depends partly on
whether he has time to spare but mostly upon whether he has money to spare as a
wedding gift (cóng day ) ("joining of hands " refers
also to the ritual of trying strings on somebody's wrists for good luck) This
contribution ranges from about 20 to 200 Riels, depending on the closeness of
kinship or friendship, and without such a gift one would feel ashamed to attend
and eat at the wedding feast. A wedding will also draw numerous spectators (even
from other villages) who were not specifically invited but who will come by in
the evening (after the meals are finished ) to watch the festivities and give
regards to the couple.
On the wedding day itself there is a flurry of commotion in and around the
bride's house as kinsmen and neighbors help to prepare food; make frantic
last-minute shopping trips; put up decorations and tables, chairs, etc. 'borrow
brass bowls, a gong, and other ceremonial objects; go to remind the monks that
they are due at a certain hour; etc. Cloth hangings partition off a small corner
of the house as the bride's chamber;
and here she sits nervously (except when called forth for certain rituals )
surrounded by female relatives and friends who will help her change clothes fan
her in the stifling heat of the small room and keep up a steady flow of chatter
and laughter. The groom similarly sits with his attendants,
kinsmen, and friends in a small bamboo and thatch shelter that has been specially
built for him near the bride's house. Music begins early in the day and continues
almost non-stop through the entire event broadcasting gaiety through
the loudspeaker for kilometers around Guests. arrive in sequence to sit and talk
in and around the house eating and chewing
betel.
The ritual procedures and paraphernalia (as well as their symbolism
and mythology ) of a wedding are too detailed to be described minutely although
a brief account of the major parts of the ceremony ill be given. It might that
weddings vary somewhat on several counts: (1) certain rituals may be included,
omitted, or carried out somewhat differently according to the dictates of
the achaa in charge (2) simple weddings called vee
omit certain customary accoutrements such as a live orchestra because
the family is poor and cannot afford the expense and (3) weddings are apposed to be less elaborate for the remarriage of widow or divorcée,
although in fact they are often as extravagant as those o first marriage if the family
has the resources.
Apart from the bride and groom themselves, the main actors
in the wedding ritual are the following. (1) The achaa presides
over all ceremonies supervises the making of ritual objects, and directs
the participants to follow the proper procedures. (2) The neak moha representing
the groom's family, and the meba representing the bride's side,
assist the achaa in seeing that the rituals are ducted correctly
help to prepare ritual objects, and act as ceremonial representatives of the two
sides. Theoretically the neak moha and the meba are
the intermediaries used in betrothal negotiations who new appear under new
titles, but in practice they are often individuals who have been especially
selected for the wedding because of their knowledgeability in the conduct
of wedding ceremonies They should also be persons who are old of good
character and never windowed or divorced they are often kinsmen but need
not necessarily be so and are equally often persons who customarily preside in
these capacities (e.g., Grandmother Dom [House 20] is frequently called upon to
act as a neak moha or meba for weddings in the village ). On
occasion too one or another of these positions may be dispensed with or combined
into one person; indeed are one wedding Ling was achaa naek moha, and
meba all rolled into one (3) Finally the bride and groom each ache two (possibly
three or four) attendants (kómdóó) who stand by during
various rituals. These bridesmaids and groomsmen chosen by the couple's parents,
are usually sidelines or first cousins, although close friends may also be
selected . The important point is that an attendant should have both parent would
augur windowing or divorce for the bridal couple.
The actual wedding rituals, taken in sequence, are the
following. On the night before the wedding there is a short ceremony
"to
enter the groom's shelter" (col rung). The achaa leads
a procession composed of the groom, his attendants, relatives, friends, who carry
his clothes, betel boxes, and a gong into the shelter. Here the achaa
recites invocations; the naek moha and meba give best
wishes for the marriage; offerings are made to ancestral spirits; and the achaa
ties strings upon the groom's wrists for good luck. The ritual ends with
the pounding of a brass gong and cheers from the spectators .
The first day of the wedding encompasses a
whole series of separate rituals. (1) In the morning, gifts of betel and arena,
fruits, ansom cakes, and other delicacies are carried from
the groom's shelter to the bride's home. (Part of ethers are kept for the
girl's family while the rest are distributed among the guests. ) In return, the
girl's family presents certain traditional gifts (such as heavy silk sarongs
and a scarf ) to the groom. The ancestral spirits are informed of and invited to
participate in the wedding and give their blessings to the couple, as well as given
small offerings of food and ritual objects. (2) After guests are given a simple
mid-day meal, the "hair-cutting " ceremony takes place in the early afternoon.
First the achaa ritually snips a lock of hair from both the birth
and groom, then there couple is given a general hair trimming by some relatives
or friends who must either have both parents alive or are themselves
happily married. (3) In the late afternoon, monks
from one of the local tramples are invited trod recite prayers (along eighth the
guests); and the head monk sprinkles holy water onto the couple who bow low
before him. In return for their services, the minks are given liquid
refreshment, cigarette,
and a contribution of money. (4) After a splendid evening meal of special dishes, delicacies,
and assorted refreshments hare been given to the guests, there may be a brief ceremony
(called krong péli ) in the groom's shelter to present food and
ritual objects to various spirits (5) The most important rite of the
evening is the cóng day or tying of threads upon the
couple's wrists for good fortune. First the bride in her home, then the groom in
his shelter, lies semi-recumbent holding a betel net crusher, lime container and
betel leaves in cupped hands, while the achaa and various
kinsmen and friends tie threads upon his /her wrists and offer best wishes. (6)
There are sometimes two other rituals in the evening. First, there may be the
ceremony of " drinking coconut juice " (púk túk dong )
in which the achaa feeds there spoonfuls of coconut juice to
both the bride and groom. This is considered to be a substitute for the ceremony
of "doing the teeth "(twúr tmeng ), i.e., wiping the
teeth or, in former times, of lacquering the teeth. black. (This tradition is
explained by a myth in Porée-Maspero 1958:23-24, but the villagers know nothing of
this story. "Doing the teeth " occur also when a girl comes
out of menstrual retreat and when a man enters the monastery. Again, this might be seen as another physical representation of a change in
social status.) second, and more rarely, there may be
ritual discussion of the payment to be given by the groom's family to the
bride's side, after which the bride expresses gratitude and gives small gifts to
her parents for having raised her.
After these ceremonies are completed, the wedding bursts
into merrymaking with music, dancing (The popular form of dancing, called
the lamton is said by villagers to have come from Thailand.
Groups of men and women dance in a circle (one following behind another ) and
step in time to the music while performing sinuous delicate movements with their
arms and hands that are much simpler than, but reminiscent of, the postures of
the classical dance
as performed in theater and by the "royal ballet" group. (For details
of the classical dance and orchestra, see Chaufea Thiounn 1956). and often singing
by the bridal attendants and younger guests (although the bride and groom themselves
must maintain a solemn demeanor and can only watch the fun). The young
women delight in showing off their grace, and they are sometimes jokingly imitated
and impersonated by a few young men who don garish female costumes. The older guests
enjoy this entertainment while chatting with one another; and if liquor is served,
some of the men will become pleasantly high. This is the part of the wedding that
draws the most uninvited spectators, and the revelry may continue well into
the early morning hours entail people finally return to their homes or simply lie
down to sleep on any available space, even a table top.
The second and final day of the wedding begins extremely
early for the major participants, and official ceremonies will culminate by
mid-morning. Before daybreak, the yop pilié ceremony to greet the
dawn is held outside the house with the achaa, the groom and often the
bride, and the neak moha and meba. This
is a short ritual with prayers of blessing by the achaa while the participants
await the auspicious moment (the pilié ) when the darkness yields
to a certain amount of light, and one bows to the rising sun. After the bride
slips back into the house, the achaa leads a procession of
the groom and his attendants, relative, and friends to the girl's home. There the
young man is greeted by his bride who ritually washes his feet and gives him a
betel quid in return for a small sum of money before she retires to her chamber.
Finally, the last major ritual, the kan slaa, occurs.
First the groom, then the bride (escorted by her attendants and sometimes
preceded by a musician with a sword who sings and dances to traditional airs during the ceremony ), come forth to sit in front of
the achaa and make obeisance to Both bride and groom then
lie semi-recumbent, holding betel leaves and the implements of betel chewing in
their hands. A group of attendants, kinsmen, and friends (ideally four men and
four women but often more then this ) form a circle around the couple and pass a
popil (a small, metal, leaf shaped object) from hand to hand
around the circle to wish the couple good fortune. Ritual objects called pkaa
slaa ("Areca flower "), formed of stalks of coconut flowers,
are then given to the spectators who break off the seeds and throw them on the
couple, much as rice is thrown in western weddings (There are three pkaa
slaa which, according to Porée Maspero et al
1958:56, 61 represent the father, mother, and elder sister who are important in raising
children. One pkaa slaa is kept intact and taken to the
temple after the wedding so that a monk can throe the seeds on the couple
). The achaa then ties cotton thread upon the groom's and
bride's wrists for good luck, as do various other spectators. The music,
which has played continuously, becomes increasingly louder and faster through the final phases of the
ritual then suddenly stops as the achaa recites a last
invocation and blessing. The ceremony ends (as had several other
rites of the preceding day ) with the banging of the gong and the final
statements of the achaa that are echoed or answered by
crowd: "Victory!", "Victory !", "Happiness!",
"Happiness!", "Health!", "Health!",
"This is a good day, is it not ?", "It is!" "What do you accept ?" "[We] accept this fine couple!" To the sound of cheers and
claps, the bride rises and rushes to her chamber, followed quickly by her groom
who must catch the end of her scarf as she goes (an attempt that often brings
laughter from the crowd ) A few moments later the couple emerges again to receive
from the achaa the mat that they had sat on during the various
rituals (an act that brings jokes from the spectators because this will be the
mat the couple sleeps upon) and to hear a brief lecture on marital and filial
duties.
A mid-morning meal concludes the wedding so far as the the
guests are concerned, and the village returns to a state of tranquility. In
the coming night the bridal couple will be allowed to sleep together for the
first time (usually in the bride's house). It is traditional for the achaa
and a couple of old women (kinsmen or neighbors ) to perform a small
ceremony and to inform the bride about sexual matters before the
consummation, but this custom is rarely practiced nowadays.
As mentioned previously, a wedding is not only the most
joyous but also one of the most expensive life cycle ceremonies. The possible
expenditures (in approximate figures ) are as follows :
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The bride's family can, therefore, spend anywhere from
about 3,000 to 8,000 Riels on a wedding, a great sum for an or denary
household's budget. A good part of the expenses are defrayed first, by the
monetary gift from the groom's family which is usually
from 2,000 to 5,000 Riels; and second, the monetary contributions of
guests which may total anywhere from about 1,000 to 6,000 Riels depending on the number of guests and their
generosity. If there is any money left after the wedding is paid for, it is
given to the couple. As likely as not, however, a family will only break even,
or may be temporarily in debt for a greater or lesser sum of money. Actually,
much of the weeding is financed on short term credit or loans because, although
the groom's gift is usually paid before or at the time of the wedding, the money
from guests is not received until the ceremony takes place. But large scale
indebtedness for weddings is not common because a family will try to fashion the
ceremony to fit their financial resources, dispensing with certain items if necessary
(e.g., not hiring musicians) or cutting back on others (e.g., serving simple
meals). In addition to the ceremonial sanctification of a marriage, for the past
thirty years or so it has become common to officially register one's marriage at
the sub-district chief's office. This registration is called, using French
terminology, état civil. A marriage that is not so registered would still be
considered valid in the eyes of the villagers if the traditional ceremonies had
been observed, and there would be no government action against a couple who were
not "état civil." But a couple who had no registered themselves would have subsequent
difficulties if there should ever be divorce proceedings, inheritance disputes,
etc. Thus, all the village couple that have married within the past few decades
have observed the état civil. |
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