The Folk Religion

Buddhism has characteristically been tolerant toward other religious systems. In Cambodia ( as also in Ceylon, Burma , Thailand, and Laos) , it co-exists with what might be called a folk religion that centers around belief in a variety of supernatural beings and essentially magical rituals and other practices. There is virtually no competition or conflict between  the high religion and this folk religion. Shrines for spirits are fount on Buddhist temple grounds; magical practitioners are also devout Buddhists; life cycle and other ceremonies combine offerings to both spirits and monks;  appeals are made to Buddha and spirits in time of trouble; etc . Respect and/or fare for the folk religion's supernatural  entities is almost universal among the villagers; even the few skeptics are more agnostic than atheistic in their doubts or may reject some aspects of the folk religion while clinging firmly to others. Thus, while the Kmer are officially Buddhists, their Buddhism encompasses and is mingled with the indigenous, traditional folk beliefs.   The array of supernatural beings in the folk religion include the following .

THE NEAK TAA 

The neak taa are, in the most general sense, guardian spirits that maintain the welfare of the thing or area which they inhabit. But the designation neak taa is actually applied to a variety of different sorts of supernatural entities ranging from animistic spirits to celestial dieties. The term itself can be literally translated as "ancestral person, "and according to some sources (Leclére 1899:151; Porée-Maspero et al 1950:27; Porée-Maspero 1962:6) certain  neak taa can be traced to specific deceased persons or are, in general, considered to be spirits of the dead. Often, however , a  neak taa has no such specific origin and, as in Svay,  are considered simply to be supernatural  beings that have always existed ( see also Porée-Maspero 1962:6 ). The  neak taa are hamless if given proper deference but will  bring illness upon men or animals, or other trouble such as drought, it ignored or treated disrespectfully. Sometimes they are also asked for aid in warding off or ameliorating difficulties such as sickness Their tempers are appeased or their help is requested with supplications and offerings of fruit, foods, incense, etc. 

While the exact nature of the various kinds of neak taa is not always clear, they may be tentatively classified as follows. (a) Some neak taa seem to be essentially animistic nature spirits that inhabit various parts of the natural environment such as trees, rice paddies, streams, forests, mountains, etc. They are thought to be especially populous in hilly or mountainous  regions (which are, therefore, considered to be dangerous areas) but occur everywhere. In Svay itself there are said to be   neak taa living in huge trees and in the rice fields. The latter are sometime enjoined to prevent to prevent crabs from  cutting the stalks of young rice seedlings; the former go largely unheeded except that must be made at its base to request the resident neak taa  to move to another tree. these spirits are generally invisible, although they may appear as calls of fire flying from tree to tree, or assume human or animal from if they desire. (b) Other  neak taa  are associated with a particular territorial region, whether it be a province, district , village, or simply a certain area of land. Indeed, in some region, these spirits are arranged in a regular hierarchy that duplicates secular socio-political organization, with a king or chief  neak taa , lesser noble, district  neak taa , etc. While the neighboring  village of Baku has a village  neak taa Svay does not. There is, however, a small stone shrine set in a deseted, unleared area south of Middle Hamlet Svay which houses a small, fat smiling idol named Look Taa Tpol, his clay ox, and some stones that are further represented by the villagers (with offerings of food and incense, and entreaties that must be presented with the greatest solemnity and deference ) in event of trouble such as illness or drought. There are also shrines to  neak taa at both Wats Svay and Prerung, the spirits being represented either by heaps of stone and rock (e.g., the " Grandomother "   neak taa at Wat Svay ) or by small statues of human form (e.g, the man and wife   neak taa at Wat Prerung ) that are the "form" or "body" (rup), the tangible manifestations of the  neak taa (c) Some   neak taa also merge into, or are confused with, the  tivoda or celestial beings of Hindu origin (see also Steinberg 1959:304). 

KMAUIT 

Kmauit are ghosts of several kinds. (a) Kmauit long are comparable to ghosts in the western sense, i.e., spirits of dead persons (the term  Kmauit also means "corpse"), especially those who have committed suicide or been murdered. These ghosts wander about and may appear in human or animal form although they usually vanish when approached too closely. (b)  Baysayt are a type of     Kmauit that lives on dirt and excrement although they also eat rice and other foods that  are sometime placed in the fields for them. they, too, roam about and are capable of assuming animal or human appearance. (c)     Priey are another kind of Kmauit that inhabit large trees and manifest themselves as balls of fire flying from tree to tree.

The Kmauit are a source of very real and constant fear to the villagers. Even husky, courageous men dread to walk alone at night because of the possibility of encountering a ghost; as one of them said,  "I don't fare men, but I do fare  Kmauit " (Some people refuse even to talk about  Kmauit because it is such a frightening topic.) It is said that there are Kmauit Long Who roam about the grounds of the normal school (the female students at the school will not open their dormitory Windows at night for fear of both men and ghosts ), as well as near Wat Prerung , and there is always the possibility that some will wander into Svay itself. There are also Priey in some of the huge trees in the village, and some villagers claim to have see the balls of fire (or at least know someone who did  ). One dreads encountering a Kmauit becausethe terror would  be so great that one would fall ill. The Kmauit are also capable of causing illness through sheer malevolence or becausean individual has offended them in some   manner. 

ARAK

Arak are similar to and are sometimes spoken of as  Kmauit in that they are spirits of dead persons they may appear as humans or animal but are notable primarily because they possess and speak through spirit mediums (the rup arak )in annual séances. While some speak of Arak as mischievous spirits that can cause sickness, they may also be protective toward those who give them offerings. Sometimes small wooden shrines atop poles are erected to Arak 

BONGBET

Bongbet are similar to Arak but possess individuals only occasionally and do not assume animal or human form or cause illness/ The term also refers to the person who is possessed     

MEBA 

Meba who are also sometimes referred to as Kmauit  ate ancestral spirits (not of specific ascendants but ancestors in general ) who watch over the living members of the family.  They are informed of important events in the family's life and receive offerings of food art life cycle ceremonies,  as well as on certain annual holidays such as New Year and Prachum. The   Meba do not appear in human ort animal form but are capable of causing of causing illness when someone in the family is guilty of sinful deeds or quarrels (the example most often cited is that of parents not allowing a child to marry someone whom he/she loves  ). Such sickness always strikes an innocent member of the family who must be treated with a ceremony in which the family who must be treated with a ceremony in which the guilty person (s) ask forgiveness of and make offerings to the Meba .(See also Leclére 1898 I: 156, 287-288.)

There are also the  Cambué Cué (or Sambué Cué )who are similarly spoken of as ancestral spirits or ghosts of deceased members of the family.  They cause illness when ignored or angered at misdeeds of descendantrs.

PRAET 

Preat though not classified with Kmauit are said by some villagers to be spirits of dead persons who had committed some dreadful sin such as slaughter of animals. Other refer to them simply malevolent sprits, rather like demons, that create trouble. They are capable of assuming human or animal form.

CMNIÉNG PTEA 

Cmniéng Ptea are house spirits that watch over a particular home's inhabitants "to see that the people are happy " They are the only spirits who are wholly benevolent and do not  caause illness. Offerings of food are given to them occasionally, especially at weddings. 

MRIN KÓNVIL

Mrin Kóinvil  are the guardian spirits of various animals, both wild and domestic, such as oxen, buffalo, horses, elephants, etc. (but not pigs or chickens ) who   see that these beasts are treated with consideration.( These spirits are the  servants of or actually ate Neak Taa who look like  "children of seven to ten year of age with dark skin;" live in trees, and are invoked to keep animals from ravaging the fields). Domestic animals must be fed properly, not beaten , allowed to be stolen, or otherwise mistreated lest the owner be struck down with illness. Offerings of food are occasionally set out for the Mrin Kónil within the house or underneath the dwelling where   the cattle are stabled. 

In sum, then, world is though to be populated with a host of supernatural beings, of which only the house spirits (Cmniéng Ptea ) are completely altruistic and never create trouble.  The Neak Taa , ancestral spirits (Meba) and guardian spirits of animals are harmless if proper conduct is followed; some may even be beneficial if aid is requested of them. But an individual who displeases them will be struck down with illness. The rest of the supernatural entities are testy or malevolent creatures whose ill-nature characteristically manifests itself by causing persons to become sick. In order to keep the spirits in good humor, atone for misdeeds, banish misfortunes, ward off potential disasters, or obtain   special powers, the villagers have recourse to offerings, supplications, rituals, charms , potions, etc. Certain persons acquire distinct competence in mediating with spirits , these specialists are of the following kinds. 

THE KRU 

The Kru (the term  Kru, from the Sanskrit and Pali guru or "master"is applied actually to any specialist in a particular realm of knowledge, e.g. school teacher =  Kru Bóng rién medical doctor =  Kru pEt,   )is a practitioner of magic who may possess any of a variety of talents or techniques such as curing,; finding lost objects, making charms or  potions to obtain love of invulnerability, or to ward off misfortune; exorcism of spirits; etc,   Kru are almost always males, and knowledge often passes from father to son if the latter has an inclination to be a Kru , possesses a favorable horoscope, and has the discipline to conduct himself properly.

Kum (House8)   is both respected and somewhat feared as a Kru. He had leaned the various procedures of the profession from an old  Kru in a distant village with whom he had studied for three years because his own father, who was also a Kru , became senile before transmitting his knowledge to his son. As is true of most  Kru in the area, kum's major skill is curing illness. Certain minor ailments such as strained muscles or a temporary stomach ache, are treated simple with one or another concoction of plants and herbs, or by "plowing " (plom) on the affected part of the body Kum is well aware of the efficacy of "secular" or "scientific " medicine, as well as  what might be called "ritual" medicine or treatment. He sometimes came to me for ointment or pills for his own ailments, and he was not upset when his patients had recourse to medicines such as penicillin or consulted trained medical personnel .But more complex , severe, or long-lasting illnesses must be diagnosed by an examination of the patient's horoscope (i.e., the year, month, and day of birth   ) which will yield clues as to the cause of the sickness: perhaps a Kmauit has fallen in love with the patient and is making him ill by attempting to possess his body, or perhaps the individual or someone in his family has offended a sprite in some manner. Kum then proceeds to the cure, which is likely to involve a combination of herbal   medicines, "blowing" incantations, offerings of food or various ritual objects, and other procedures (e.g., making a love charm that will entice the ghost to leave the patient's body ) that will exorcise the spirit or appease its temper  Kum can also help an individual ward off illness or other  misfortune by preparing special amulets or charms; he can occasionally find lost objects if the individual's horoscope is favorable; and he knows how or make some love charms (although he says there is no call for them because another Kru in a nearby village specializes in Snay, or techniques of making someone fall in love  ). He is paid for his services usually in kind, i.e., fruit, cakes, cigarettes, etc., and occasionally by sums of money .

Though I never saw Kum conduct a curing ritual (except for "blowing" ), House  26 once called in a Kru from another village to cure a visiting grandchild. A  variety of ritual objects were constructed and set the  Kmauit that was causing the illness. The Kru chanted an invitation to the   Kmauit to recognize and receive the offerings. The ritual objects were then taken out to a deserted field near the village, the people who carry out these objects must not look back, once they have deposited the things, for fear that they might   see the   Kmauit come and objects and offerings used in curing and other ceremonies, 

THE TMÓP

The Tmóp is a special kind of  Kru , always male, who specializes in a unique form of malevolent, magical murder: the Tmóp  can cause a knife, piece of sharp bamboo, scissor, razor, or similar sharp objects to enter  and swell up inside a victim's boy . Intense pain, vomiting spitting. of blood , and eventual death results unless another  Kru is called to exorcise the object. there are no Tmóp in the vicinity of Svay , though their existence is known of and feared. According to village gossip, a Svay women once attempted to disguise a presumend abortion or infanticide by crying out that a  Tmóp had put a knife in her stomach .

THE RUP ARAK 

THE BÓNGBÉT

The bóngbét according to villagers is similar to a rup arak  in being capable of possession by spirits. But rather than being possessed annually, they bóngbét  is entered by spirits only occasionally and is characterized as being a person (either male or female ) of exceptionally good character. who describe a "bangbot" as similar to but less powerful than a  Kru ,who may have various skills such as readisn omens, making amulets, warding off evil, and causing thieves to be covered with burns unless they return stolen goods. Finally, there is the  Achaa who officiates at various familial ceremonies such as life cycle rituals. (Such achaa  are usually differentiated into achaa kaa , who specialize in  weddings, and achaa yoki  who specialize in generals, although in fact either one may officiate at other kinds of ceremonies as well. ) The  achaa is not, strictly speaking , a magical practitioner or spirit specialist in the manner of the   kru rup arak  etc. His main function is , rather, to be the "master of ceremonies" in the literal sense: to preside over rituals,  guide the participants through their ceremonial roles, and see that the ceremony is properly conducted. In the practice of his profession the   achaa must know not only the component parts of various rituals but such things as how to fashion ritual objects, what invocations and offerings must be made to  particular spirits on certain occasions, and how to make astrological calculations to determine, e.g., auspicious days for holding  ceremonies or whether potential marriage partners will be compatible In addition, an  achaa may possess certain skills such as curing or money and/or kind, the amounts varying according to the services rendered.( e.g., for foliating at a wedding, ling  is customarily paid 50-100 riles, two bunches of bananas 16ansom cakes, two coconuts, and five kilograms of candles. For "blowing " on a minor ailment, he takes whatever fruit or other kind the patient offers  ) There are two  achaa in west Svay: Ling (House 20 )and Neung (House 20),  both of whom are primarily "wedding   achaa " although they occasionally preside at other kinds of ceremonies as well. ling leaned the fundamentals of his profession from monks at a temple near Phnom Penh (after he himself had left the monastic order ), while Neung was instructed by ling and another   achaa  in the neighborhood. both are frequently called upon to supervise the lift cycle ceremonies in Svay and sometime neighboring villages as well , ling also know how to cure by "blowing" and is consulted for minor ailments. 

There is occasional skepticism about some of the skills of the skills of these various specialists; e.g.,  the   Kru's  ability to find lost objects , or whether a   rup arak  is truly possessed or only pretending to be. In general, however, the average villager believes  as firmly in these specialists and their efforts to control supernatural elements as they do in various spirits. For example, charms to ward off sickness or  misfortune are worn by numerous villagers; (These may be knotted or braided string old coins,  kataa or metal cylinders enclosing Pali incantation written on paper or thin metal, magical symbols are blessed by monks as well as being chanted over by kru  to yield a double efficacy, One man in West Svay also has special tatoos that presumably make him in vulnerable to bodily harm   ) and sever or extended illness always initiates consultation with a  Kru or  achaa and some sort of coring ritual that involves offerings to spirits (sometime there is an additional ceremony with offerings to Buddha and the monks as well ) As one man said, "Illness cannot be with medicine alone "

Perhaps the major significance of the folk religion is its supplementation of Buddhism. Buddhism can explain transcendental questions such as one's general existence in this lift and next. But the folk religion can give reasons for and means of copy with the more immediate and incidental, yet nonetheless     pressing, problems and of Buddhist of one's present existence.  The accumulation of Buddhist merit may enable better rebirth in the next lift, but in the meantime there may be problems such as drought, illness, or unrequited love in this life that need attention, and worry  can be relieved by recourse to the folk religion Other writers have made this same point with respect to the coexist tense of both a great and little religious tradition Moreover it is important to note that the folk religion also provides certain for behavior with sanctions that are more insaneness in their punishment.  for misconduct than in Buddhism. For example, Buddhism certainly urges harmonious relations among kinsmen (see, e.g.,  the Sigalovada sutta in Burtt 1955:109-110 ) , but the consequences of antagonistic behavior toward relatives are remote at best in its doctrine. In the folk religion , on the other hand , quarrels or dissension within the family or among kinsmen immediately invoke the wrath of the ancestral spirits who will strike down an innocents member of the group. The fear of arousing the anger of these spirits is a very real one , and although it does not succeed in suppressing all discord, it has certainly conciliated more than one  family squabble . In much the same manner, the belief concerning the guardian spirit of animals specifies that these creatures, which Buddha says should not be killed, must also be cared for properly lest the   owner be punished with a sickness. Thus, animal as well as kin relations receive a double-barreled religious protection. A further interesting and important point is that illness is the characteristic from   of retribution for offense to the spirits. Surely various forms of physical ailments are endemic in a peasant population, and the folk religion thus offers a variety of explanations and cures for ill health.